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1 \documentclass{article} 2 3 \usepackage{url} 4 \usepackage{enumitem} 5 \usepackage{authblk} 6 7 \title{Who comes after us? The correct mindset for designing a Central Bank Digital Currency} 8 9 \author[$\triangle\pounds$]{Antoine~d'Aligny} 10 \author[$\triangle$]{Emmanuel~Benoist} 11 \author[$\dagger\heartsuit$]{Florian~Dold} 12 \author[$\triangle\dagger\heartsuit$]{Christian~Grothoff} 13 \author[$\S$]{\"Ozg\"ur~Kesim} 14 \author[$\ddagger\heartsuit$]{Martin~Schanzenbach} 15 \affil[$\triangle$]{Bern University of Applied Sciences} 16 \affil[$\pounds$]{École d'Ingénieurs Généraliste du Numérique} 17 \affil[$\dagger$]{Taler Systems SA} 18 \affil[$\S$]{Freie Universit\"at Berlin} 19 \affil[$\ddagger$]{Fraunhofer Institute for Applied and Integrated Security} 20 \affil[$\heartsuit$]{The GNU Project} 21 \date{\today} 22 \begin{document} 23 24 \maketitle 25 26 \abstract{ 27 In December 2021 the European Central Bank (ECB) published a report on ``Central Bank Digital 28 Currency: functional scope, pricing and controls'' in its Occasional Paper 29 Series~\cite{ecb2021}, detailing various challenges for the 30 Digital Euro. While the authors peripherally acknowledge the existence of 31 token-based payment systems, the notion that a Digital Euro will somehow 32 require citizens to have some kind of central bank account is pervasive in the 33 paper. We argue that an account-based design cannot meet the ECB's stated 34 design goals and that the ECB needs to fundamentally change its mindset when 35 thinking about its role in the context of the Digital Euro if it wants the 36 project to succeed. 37 38 Along the same lines, the French National Council for Digitalization published 39 a report on ``Notes and Tokens, The New Competition of 40 Currencies''~\cite{french2021}. Here, the authors make related incorrect 41 claims about inevitable properties of Central Bank Digital Currencies 42 (CBDCs), going as far as stating that a CBDC is not possible without an eID 43 system. Our paper sets the record straight. 44 45 % [oec] Shouldn't we also mention GNU Taler already here as an example for an alternative? 46 47 \noindent 48 {\bf JEL Classification Codes:} E42, E58 \\ 49 {\bf Keywords: } retail CBDC, privacy, trust 50 51 52 \section{Introduction} 53 \label{sec:intro} 54 55 This article presents our comments regarding two papers that have been written 56 by the European Central Bank (ECB)~\cite{ecb2021} and the French National 57 Council for Digitalization\footnote{Conseil national du numérique} 58 (CNNum)~\cite{french2021}. As the French report is using some rather unclear 59 definitions of currency, we will begin with a brief introduction of terms and 60 technologies. 61 62 We will then explain why the ECB should not be the only guardian of the 63 privacy of the European citizen and why coupling of a Central Bank Digital 64 Currency (CBDC) with an identity system is a bad idea. We address a question 65 raised in the ECB's report on the risks of a retail CBDCs promoting 66 disintermediation to a degree that might threaten traditional banks. 67 68 69 \section{Currency and payment systems} \label{sec:terms} 70 71 Currency is ``something that is used as a medium of exchange; 72 money.''\cite{dictionaryCurrency}. From the French dictionary, currency 73 (i.e. la monnaie) is an ``Instrument of measurement and conservation of 74 value, legal means of exchanging goods''\footnote{Instrument de mesure et 75 de conservation de la valeur, moyen légal d'échange des biens.}, or 76 ``Unit of value accepted and used in a country, a group of 77 countries.''\footnote{Unité de valeur admise et utilisée dans un pays, un 78 ensemble de pays.}~\cite{LeRobertMonnaie} 79 The main desired properties of a currency are therefore: conservation of value and 80 availability for exchange. 81 82 For more than a hundred years, most currencies have been issued by central 83 banks, while with the exception of cash, retail payment systems have typically 84 been implemented by the private sector. In general, any payment system 85 enables participants to make financial transactions, but does not in itself 86 establish a new currency. Additionally, payment systems can provide credit, 87 make transactions faster, cheaper, more private or more usable. Payment 88 systems may require their users to trust payment system providers, as these 89 intermediaries may introduce new failure modes into the system. As a result, 90 payment service providers are generally regulated entities, at least when they 91 deal with traditional fiat currencies. 92 93 There are two types of CBDCs, retail CBDCs and 94 wholesale CBDCs. Wholesale CBDC is expected to be primarily used to trade 95 between banks and between the central bank and banks. An example of wholesale 96 CBDC can be found in the description of the project Helvetia of the Swiss 97 National Bank~\cite{BISHelvetia2020}.\footnote{We note that the French report 98 confuses project Helvetia (which implements a wholesale CBDC) with an 99 entirely different proposal~\cite{chaum2021} for a retail CBDC.} In 100 contrast, a retail CBDC is intended to be used by citizens and businesses in 101 their daily lives for their ordinary expenses, basically providing a form of 102 digital cash that is, like physical cash, a liability of the central bank. 103 This paper is about retail CBDCs. Our discussion will 104 assume that the currency for the CBDC already exists, and thus focus on the 105 requirements for the payment system that facilitates ordinary people to make 106 digital transactions with such a currency. 107 108 109 \section{Central Banks cannot be the Guardian of Privacy} 110 \label{sec:guardians} 111 112 The ECB's report starts with a public interest-oriented self-image of central 113 banks. For example, the authors claim that ``central banks operate in the 114 interest of society, setting goals in the public interest rather than private 115 interest'' and ``as public and independent institutions, central banks have no 116 interest in monetising users' payment data. They would only process such data 117 to the extent necessary for performing their functions and in full compliance 118 with public interest objectives and legislation.'' While this is a laudable 119 aspiration, it is a false statement: The Bank of Greece, one of the central 120 banks of the Eurosystem, is dominantly privately held and listed on the Athen's 121 stock exchange~\cite{BG2016}. Similar constructions with privately owned 122 central banks exist outside of the Eurozone, for example with the Swiss 123 National Bank~\cite{SNB}. That all central banks are independent and operate 124 in the public interest is sometimes questioned in the popular 125 press~\cite{tcimer2020}. With counter-examples inside the 126 European System of Central Banks (ECBS) itself and within Europe, it is clear 127 one needs to be careful to avoid confusing the idealistic view of central 128 banks as politically neutral and public-minded institutions with reality. 129 To build secure systems, it is best to assume that all parties, 130 including the system's designers, implementers and main operators 131 themselves, could be malicious. 132 133 Central banks thus need to take a different mindset, and ideally picture 134 themselves as malicious actors when working on the design of a CBDC. Only 135 this way, they will avoid designs which would entrust them with information 136 and decisions that they must not be entrusted with. For example, the ECB's 137 report currently suggests that the ECB ``may also prefer the (...) the ability 138 to control the privacy of payments data''. This is a fundamental misconception 139 of the notion of privacy. Citizens will \emph{only} have privacy with a 140 Digital Euro if they themselves have control over their payment data. Privacy 141 and the human right of informational self-determination requires that each 142 (legally capable) citizen is in control of their personal data. A central 143 bank asserting the ``ability to control the privacy'' is thus an oxymoron: 144 once anyone else has control, citizens have no privacy. Public institutions 145 that act in the public interest must acknowledge this to not patronize their 146 sovereign: the citizens. 147 148 The French report~\cite{french2021} correctly states that a Digital Euro based 149 on accounts poses ``democratic risks''\footnote{risques démocratiques} and could allow ``state surveillance of 150 all transactions of every individual''\footnote{surveillance de toutes les transactions de chaque individu par l’État}. 151 Subsequently the wording of the French report is misleading, as it turns the 152 possibility of privacy-invasive monitoring into a mandatory feature of any 153 CBDC, which is demonstrably false: There are many digital currencies and 154 payment systems that do not allow comprehensive 155 surveillance~\cite{monero,dold2019}. Thus, it is wrong for the authors of the 156 French report to take a possible design choice of an account-based system as a 157 necessity, for example when they write that ``the centralization and data 158 tracking of CBDC projects leads to a loss of privacy 159 that coupled with the programmability of the currency can have serious 160 consequences.''\footnote{Toutefois, la centralisation et la traçabilité des données des projets de monnaie numérique de banque centrale conduit à une perte de vie privée qui, associée à la programmabilité de la monnaie, peut avoir de lourdes conséquences. } Using the indicative here is a serious mistake, as it is 161 understood that any CBDC design would necessarily lead to a loss of privacy, 162 when this is false. 163 164 Furthermore, the use of the term ``surveillance'' in the French report actually 165 understates the negative impact of an account-based CBDC, as with an 166 account-based CBDC the central bank would likely also be in a position to 167 prevent individuals from spending money and to manipulate their balances, 168 thereby gaining comprehensive power over the economic activities of 169 individuals going far beyond mere analytical capabilities. The use of 170 permissioned blockchains does not inherently prevent such manipulations as 171 long as the participating operators are colluding. Thus, if European 172 democratic ideals and personal freedoms are to prevail, we clearly cannot 173 ignore this danger and must reestablish the principles of personal 174 responsibility, personal independence and subsidiarity in the design processes 175 for critical infrastructure created by European institutions. 176 177 Since this conjecture is taken as fact while counterexamples 178 exists, the conclusion of the first part of the French report follows a 179 logical fallacy. The authors assert that ``the new properties of CBDC raise 180 political questions''\footnote{``Dans un contexte où les nombreux projets d’émettre 181 des monnaies numériques viennent étendre le rôle des banques 182 centrales se pose la question des enjeux démocratiques et politiques de 183 ces nouveaux attributs.''} which implies that the deployment of a CBDC would be 184 impossible in the current state. But adaptations of central bank missions to 185 include ``absolute control over the rules and regulations of the use'' of 186 money via the issuance of a CBDC (as envisioned by Agustín Carstens of the 187 Bank for International Settlements\footnote{See speech given on October 19th 188 2020 on ``Cross-Border Payment -- A vision for the future'', 189 \url{https://meetings.imf.org/en/2020/Annual/Schedule/2020/10/19/imf-cross-border-payments-a-vision-for-the-future} 190 at 00:24:30}) are dangerous 191 if the central bank can choose to void privacy assurances. Carstens correctly states 192 that with the proposed CBDC design the central bank would have the ability to know about every 193 payment. Consequently, the central bank would be able to strictly enforce 194 its rules and regulations, which implies the bank could arbitrarily block 195 payments by private citizens. The repressive potential of a government with 196 such a capability is so large that it must be firmly rejected. 197 198 \section{Harmful coupling with identity} 199 \label{sec:coupling} 200 201 The risk is not theoretical. The Emergencies Act of February 2022 granted the 202 Canadian executive the right to freeze bank accounts without judicial 203 oversight. The Canadian minister of justice David Lametti promptly used this 204 to threaten people on CTV News with extrajudicial asset freezes if they were 205 making significant financial contributions to a political cause he strongly 206 disagrees with.\footnote{\url{https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xoTCxWSQW30}} If 207 this is possible in Canada today, we do not want to imagine what might happen 208 in less established democracies if an account-based CBDC were to largely 209 displace cash. 210 211 Consequently, the question should be if central banks should limit CBDC 212 issuance within the scope of their current mission instead of modifying their 213 rulebooks. The US Federal Reserve is currently barred from 214 maintaining digital account balances for individuals~\cite{usfed2022}. We 215 consider this law wise, as we argue that tightly coupling payments with 216 identity is harmful. While the law prevents the Federal Reserve's from 217 issuing an account-based retail CBDC, it does not seem to prevent the Federal 218 Reserve from issuing a token-based privacy-respecting CBDC. This is crucial, 219 as the technology behind token-based privacy-respecting CBDCs would 220 fundamentally not support the kind of asset freezes enabled by the Canadian 221 Emergencies Act. 222 223 In contrast, ECB report suggests that ``combining use of digital identity and 224 CBDC'' might be beneficial. The same idea is echoed in the French report which 225 quotes an unpublished report from Catenae (2020) to say that ``it is difficult 226 to envisage the creation of a retail CBDC, and more specifically a Digital 227 Euro without first creating a reliable, secure digital identity offering the 228 necessary guarantees''\footnote{il est difficile d'envisager la création d'une 229 monnaie numérique de banque centrale de détail, et plus particulièrement d’un 230 ``euro numérique'', sans création préalable d'une identité numérique fiable, 231 s\'ecuris\'ee et offrant les garanties nécessaires}. From a technical 232 perspective, the statement is hard to defend since payment systems exist that 233 work perfectly well without depending on a ``trusted digital identity''. 234 235 From a regulatory perspective, it is understood that institutions working with 236 a Digital Euro will at times be legally required to establish the identity of 237 actors. However, when a Digital Euro needs a digital identity for some of the 238 actors in the digital currency production chain, one can use existing 239 Know-Your-Customer (KYC) processes of commercial banks or use certificates 240 based on the already widely used X.509 standard, which are both already in 241 common use on the Internet.\footnote{They correspond to the ``s'' in 242 ``https'', for example.} While we can imagine a world in which a new 243 ``trusted digital identity'' exists, and develop new protocols for this world, 244 this is by no means a prerequisite to any work on a Digital Euro. Waiting for 245 the creation of a new trusted digital identity at the European level before 246 creating a CBDC may be equivalent to postponing the decision indefinitely, and 247 the necessity of first deploying a new electronic identity scheme is not shown 248 by the authors. 249 250 What neither report appreciates is that combining payments with such a digital 251 identity system would create a serious liability. Even if central banks were 252 neutral custodians of citizens' privacy (see Section~\ref{sec:guardians}), the 253 problem is the data itself. As Bruce Schneier has concisely argued already in 2016: 254 ``Data is a toxic asset. We need to start thinking about it as such, and treat 255 it as we would any other source of toxicity. To do anything else is to risk our 256 security and privacy.''~\cite{schneier2016toxic} 257 Despite this well-established insight, the ECB report is insinuating to link 258 identities with payments which consequently and inevitably produces highly 259 sensitive\footnote{Or to stick with Schneier's analogy, ``super-toxic''} 260 metadata. Referring to the toxicity of this metadata, Edward Snowden famously 261 said at IETF 93 in 2019 262 that \begin{quote} ``(...) we need to get away from true-name payments on the 263 Internet. The credit card payment system is one of the worst things that 264 happened for the user, in terms of being able to divorce their access from 265 their identity.'' 266 \end{quote} 267 If the European Union wants to avoid a dystopia of the transparent citizen 268 and catastrophic cases of personal data theft, it must enable citizens to put a 269 firewall between their identity and their payments. 270 271 Citizens themselves are well aware of this aspect and it consequently would 272 have a significant impact on acceptance of a CBDC: The Swiss population 273 recently rejected a proposal for a national eID~\cite{eid2021}, and the newly 274 elected German government is promising a reversal of ubiquitous data retention 275 (without cause)~\cite{koalitionsvertrag2021}. The European Parliament has 276 members proposing to ban the use of facial recognition in public 277 spaces~\cite{euai2021}. The ECB's proposal seemingly ignores the popular 278 rejection of treating every citizen as a criminal suspect by doubling down. 279 The missing link in the ECB proposal that would reveal the dystopic reality 280 they would invoke would be a statement that facial recognition could be used 281 to conveniently establish the payer's identity --- or ``pay with your smile'', 282 as contemporary account-based digital payment offerings already put it. We 283 stress that CBDC payment data, like other payment data, can be expected to be 284 retained for 6 or more years~\cite{fca}. If CBDC payment data is additionally 285 strongly coupled with our identities, those who dislike living in a panopticon 286 could only hope for such a CBDC to be rarely used. 287 288 289 290 \section{Addressing Balance Sheet Disintermediation via Self-Custody} 291 \label{sec:disintermediation} 292 293 The ECB report describes the risk of (commercial) bank balance sheet 294 disintermediation as one of the major risks to consider from the introduction 295 of a CBDC. Basically, the risk is that consumers losing faith in a 296 commercial bank may shift funds into CBDC, thereby exacerbating the situation 297 by creating a ``bank run''. 298 The ECB report discusses various strategies, but primarily focuses on limiting 299 ``hoarding'' of CBDC by imposing a balance limit. They then realize that this 300 can be quite difficult, as businesses may have varying needs for CBDC, so a 301 fixed low limit would strangle the utility of the CBDC, while a fixed high 302 limit may not be effective. They then propose a dynamic limit which they would 303 ``calculate in accordance to (...) presumed cash needs''. 304 305 Here, the authors might want to review some of the hard lessons from the 306 introduction of $CO_2$ emissions certificates, where initial allocations were 307 calculated based on ``presumed emission needs'' of certain industries, 308 resulting in windfalls for shifty polluters that managed to rig the 309 calculations, giving them excess certificates that they could then 310 resell.~\cite{carbon} If CBDC holdings are limited and financially attractive, 311 there will clearly again be businesses profiting from organizing their 312 business data to obtain high account limits. This kind of socially 313 unproductive optimization will happen regardless of the specific rules that 314 the ECB will design. Thus, this is a fundamentally flawed design. 315 316 The ECB's focus on account-based solutions seems to have caused it to ignore a 317 better solution that was proposed in~\cite{snb2021}, even though it was 318 clearly on the table: When justifying the need to control hoarding of CBDC, 319 the authors write that ``risk-free assets have a negative yield (apart from 320 banknotes, which are costly and risky to store in large amounts)''. Here, 321 they presume that hoarding CBDC must be risk-free. However, with Digital Euros 322 represented as tokens that citizens hold in self-custody, the CBDC would not 323 be risk-free: citizens would have to safeguard their digital devices (both 324 physically and against malware). 325 Thus, a CBDC 326 design using digital tokens under the control of citizens indirectly provides a 327 good solution for hoarding, as self-custody of the digital assets entails a 328 risk, quite comparable to the risk of hoarding cash. By analyzing this risk, 329 citizens and businesses would themselves determine appropriate individual 330 limits for their CBDC holdings based on their actual cash needs. 331 332 333 \section{Conclusion} 334 335 There are no trusted third parties. That does not prevent people from 336 designing and deploying systems that rely on the assumption that a trusted 337 third party exists. Central banks must not follow the former DIRNSA's 338 hubris~\cite[page 6f]{cwps} 339 and assert that they are an eternally trusted third party. 340 341 The dominance of accounts on the Internet and the resulting delegation of 342 economic and political power to big Internet service providers sets a 343 dangerous precedent for the design of CBDCs. It is time for central banks 344 to abandon this account-centric mindset, which will help them address 345 privacy issues and help the Internet transcend surveillance capitalism. 346 347 More specifically, the ECB needs to review its design approach for the Digital 348 Euro and commit to granting financial sovereignty to its constituents. Instead 349 of controlling the citizen's privacy and forcing a particular ECB App onto 350 % FIXME: I'd suggest "users' phones", 351 % unless it is really meant that one 352 % user has multiple phones. 353 CBDC user's phones, the ECB needs to design a Digital Euro based on respect 354 for the citizen's sovereignty and self-responsibility. A digital cash system 355 can be build using privacy-preserving open protocols with Free Software 356 reference implementations. The resulting self-responsibility of citizens will 357 address various key design challenges inherent to account-based designs, 358 including the biggest challenge of all: creating a product citizens would 359 actually like to use. 360 361 %[oec] Highlight again that alternatives _are_ on the table 362 363 364 365 % We thank XXX for insightful comments on an earlier draft of this text. 366 367 \bibliographystyle{alpha} 368 \bibliography{literature} 369 370 371 \end{document} 372 373 Cut for brevity: 374 375 376 377 Most crypto-currencies seek to have the properties of a currency, the 378 conservation of value and the availability for exchange. For the two largest 379 of them (BTC and ETH), we must note that since their creation they have been 380 able to play the two roles of a currency. These currencies are both available 381 for exchange and can be hoarded. These currencies are subject to great 382 variations in price, but they are far from the variations of the Argentine 383 Peso (which is commonly considered to be a currency). Some also have limited 384 availability for real-time transactions, with Bitcoin for example requiring a 385 very long validation time preventing its use for everyday purchases, but can 386 be used for remote purchases (say for international remittances) where 387 latencies and costs are actually competitive compared to existing payment 388 systems. 389 390 Central banks manage fiat currencies. These currencies are also mainly 391 digital, as often the actual transactions are facilitated by digital payment 392 systems bolted on top of the currency provided by the central bank. While it 393 is in most cases still possible to use the central bank provided physical cash 394 directly, transactions using real coins and bills are declining. The quantity 395 of money, as well as the interest rate at which this money is made available 396 to banks, allows central banks to influence the value of the currencies they 397 manage.