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      1 \documentclass{article}
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      3 \usepackage{url}
      4 \usepackage{enumitem}
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      6 
      7 \title{Who comes after us? The correct mindset for designing a Central Bank Digital Currency}
      8 
      9 \author[$\triangle\pounds$]{Antoine~d'Aligny}
     10 \author[$\triangle$]{Emmanuel~Benoist}
     11 \author[$\dagger\heartsuit$]{Florian~Dold}
     12 \author[$\triangle\dagger\heartsuit$]{Christian~Grothoff}
     13 \author[$\S$]{\"Ozg\"ur~Kesim}
     14 \author[$\ddagger\heartsuit$]{Martin~Schanzenbach}
     15 \affil[$\triangle$]{Bern University of Applied Sciences}
     16 \affil[$\pounds$]{École d'Ingénieurs Généraliste du Numérique}
     17 \affil[$\dagger$]{Taler Systems SA}
     18 \affil[$\S$]{Freie Universit\"at Berlin}
     19 \affil[$\ddagger$]{Fraunhofer Institute for Applied and Integrated Security}
     20 \affil[$\heartsuit$]{The GNU Project}
     21 \date{\today}
     22 \begin{document}
     23 
     24 \maketitle
     25 
     26 \abstract{
     27 In December 2021 the European Central Bank (ECB) published a report on ``Central Bank Digital
     28 Currency: functional scope, pricing and controls'' in its Occasional Paper
     29 Series~\cite{ecb2021}, detailing various challenges for the
     30 Digital Euro.  While the authors peripherally acknowledge the existence of
     31 token-based payment systems, the notion that a Digital Euro will somehow
     32 require citizens to have some kind of central bank account is pervasive in the
     33 paper. We argue that an account-based design cannot meet the ECB's stated
     34 design goals and that the ECB needs to fundamentally change its mindset when
     35 thinking about its role in the context of the Digital Euro if it wants the
     36 project to succeed.
     37 
     38 Along the same lines, the French National Council for Digitalization published
     39 a report on ``Notes and Tokens, The New Competition of
     40 Currencies''~\cite{french2021}.  Here, the authors make related incorrect
     41 claims about inevitable properties of Central Bank Digital Currencies
     42 (CBDCs), going as far as stating that a CBDC is not possible without an eID
     43 system.  Our paper sets the record straight.
     44 
     45 % [oec] Shouldn't we also mention GNU Taler already here as an example for an alternative?
     46 
     47 \noindent
     48 {\bf JEL Classification Codes:} E42, E58 \\
     49 {\bf Keywords: } retail CBDC, privacy, trust
     50 
     51 
     52 \section{Introduction}
     53 \label{sec:intro}
     54 
     55 This article presents our comments regarding two papers that have been written
     56 by the European Central Bank (ECB)~\cite{ecb2021} and the French National
     57 Council for Digitalization\footnote{Conseil national du numérique}
     58 (CNNum)~\cite{french2021}.  As the French report is using some rather unclear
     59 definitions of currency, we will begin with a brief introduction of terms and
     60 technologies.
     61 
     62 We will then explain why the ECB should not be the only guardian of the
     63 privacy of the European citizen and why coupling of a Central Bank Digital
     64 Currency (CBDC) with an identity system is a bad idea. We address a question
     65 raised in the ECB's report on the risks of a retail CBDCs promoting
     66 disintermediation to a degree that might threaten traditional banks.
     67 
     68 
     69 \section{Currency and payment systems} \label{sec:terms}
     70 
     71 Currency is ``something that is used as a medium of exchange;
     72   money.''\cite{dictionaryCurrency}. From the French dictionary, currency
     73 (i.e. la monnaie) is an ``Instrument of measurement and conservation of
     74   value, legal means of exchanging goods''\footnote{Instrument de mesure et
     75   de conservation de la valeur, moyen légal d'échange des biens.}, or
     76 ``Unit of value accepted and used in a country, a group of
     77   countries.''\footnote{Unité de valeur admise et utilisée dans un pays, un
     78   ensemble de pays.}~\cite{LeRobertMonnaie}
     79 The main desired properties of a currency are therefore: conservation of value and
     80 availability for exchange.
     81 
     82 For more than a hundred years, most currencies have been issued by central
     83 banks, while with the exception of cash, retail payment systems have typically
     84 been implemented by the private sector.  In general, any payment system
     85 enables participants to make financial transactions, but does not in itself
     86 establish a new currency. Additionally, payment systems can provide credit,
     87 make transactions faster, cheaper, more private or more usable. Payment
     88 systems may require their users to trust payment system providers, as these
     89 intermediaries may introduce new failure modes into the system. As a result,
     90 payment service providers are generally regulated entities, at least when they
     91 deal with traditional fiat currencies.
     92 
     93 There are two types of CBDCs, retail CBDCs and
     94 wholesale CBDCs. Wholesale CBDC is expected to be primarily used to trade
     95 between banks and between the central bank and banks. An example of wholesale
     96 CBDC can be found in the description of the project Helvetia of the Swiss
     97 National Bank~\cite{BISHelvetia2020}.\footnote{We note that the French report
     98   confuses project Helvetia (which implements a wholesale CBDC) with an
     99   entirely different proposal~\cite{chaum2021} for a retail CBDC.}  In
    100 contrast, a retail CBDC is intended to be used by citizens and businesses in
    101 their daily lives for their ordinary expenses, basically providing a form of
    102 digital cash that is, like physical cash, a liability of the central bank.
    103 This paper is about retail CBDCs.  Our discussion will
    104 assume that the currency for the CBDC already exists, and thus focus on the
    105 requirements for the payment system that facilitates ordinary people to make
    106 digital transactions with such a currency.
    107 
    108 
    109 \section{Central Banks cannot be the Guardian of Privacy}
    110 \label{sec:guardians}
    111 
    112 The ECB's report starts with a public interest-oriented self-image of central
    113 banks. For example, the authors claim that ``central banks operate in the
    114 interest of society, setting goals in the public interest rather than private
    115 interest'' and ``as public and independent institutions, central banks have no
    116 interest in monetising users' payment data.  They would only process such data
    117 to the extent necessary for performing their functions and in full compliance
    118 with public interest objectives and legislation.'' While this is a laudable
    119 aspiration, it is a false statement: The Bank of Greece, one of the central
    120 banks of the Eurosystem, is dominantly privately held and listed on the Athen's
    121 stock exchange~\cite{BG2016}.  Similar constructions with privately owned
    122 central banks exist outside of the Eurozone, for example with the Swiss
    123 National Bank~\cite{SNB}.  That all central banks are independent and operate
    124 in the public interest is sometimes questioned in the popular
    125 press~\cite{tcimer2020}.  With counter-examples inside the
    126 European System of Central Banks (ECBS) itself and within Europe, it is clear
    127 one needs to be careful to avoid confusing the idealistic view of central
    128 banks as politically neutral and public-minded institutions with reality.
    129 To build secure systems, it is best to assume that all parties,
    130 including the system's designers, implementers and main operators
    131 themselves, could be malicious.
    132 
    133 Central banks thus need to take a different mindset, and ideally picture
    134 themselves as malicious actors when working on the design of a CBDC.  Only
    135 this way, they will avoid designs which would entrust them with information
    136 and decisions that they must not be entrusted with.  For example, the ECB's
    137 report currently suggests that the ECB ``may also prefer the (...) the ability
    138 to control the privacy of payments data''. This is a fundamental misconception
    139 of the notion of privacy. Citizens will \emph{only} have privacy with a
    140 Digital Euro if they themselves have control over their payment data. Privacy
    141 and the human right of informational self-determination requires that each
    142 (legally capable) citizen is in control of their personal data.  A central
    143 bank asserting the ``ability to control the privacy'' is thus an oxymoron:
    144 once anyone else has control, citizens have no privacy.  Public institutions
    145 that act in the public interest must acknowledge this to not patronize their
    146 sovereign: the citizens.
    147 
    148 The French report~\cite{french2021} correctly states that a Digital Euro based
    149 on accounts poses ``democratic risks''\footnote{risques démocratiques} and could allow ``state surveillance of
    150 all transactions of every individual''\footnote{surveillance de toutes les transactions de chaque individu par l’État}.
    151 Subsequently the wording of the French report is misleading, as it turns the
    152 possibility of privacy-invasive monitoring into a mandatory feature of any
    153 CBDC, which is demonstrably false: There are many digital currencies and
    154 payment systems that do not allow comprehensive
    155 surveillance~\cite{monero,dold2019}.  Thus, it is wrong for the authors of the
    156 French report to take a possible design choice of an account-based system as a
    157 necessity, for example when they write that ``the centralization and data
    158 tracking of CBDC projects leads to a loss of privacy
    159 that coupled with the programmability of the currency can have serious
    160 consequences.''\footnote{Toutefois, la centralisation et la traçabilité des données des projets de monnaie numérique de banque centrale conduit à une perte de vie privée qui, associée à la programmabilité de la monnaie, peut avoir de lourdes conséquences. }  Using the indicative here is a serious mistake, as it is
    161 understood that any CBDC design would necessarily lead to a loss of privacy,
    162 when this is false.
    163 
    164 Furthermore, the use of the term ``surveillance'' in the French report actually
    165 understates the negative impact of an account-based CBDC, as with an
    166 account-based CBDC the central bank would likely also be in a position to
    167 prevent individuals from spending money and to manipulate their balances,
    168 thereby gaining comprehensive power over the economic activities of
    169 individuals going far beyond mere analytical capabilities. The use of
    170 permissioned blockchains does not inherently prevent such manipulations as
    171 long as the participating operators are colluding.  Thus, if European
    172 democratic ideals and personal freedoms are to prevail, we clearly cannot
    173 ignore this danger and must reestablish the principles of personal
    174 responsibility, personal independence and subsidiarity in the design processes
    175 for critical infrastructure created by European institutions.
    176 
    177 Since this conjecture is taken as fact while counterexamples
    178 exists, the conclusion of the first part of the French report follows a
    179 logical fallacy.  The authors assert that ``the new properties of CBDC raise
    180 political questions''\footnote{``Dans un contexte où les nombreux projets d’émettre
    181 des monnaies numériques viennent étendre le rôle des banques
    182 centrales se pose la question des enjeux démocratiques et politiques de
    183 ces nouveaux attributs.''} which implies that the deployment of a CBDC would be
    184 impossible in the current state.  But adaptations of central bank missions to
    185 include ``absolute control over the rules and regulations of the use'' of
    186 money via the issuance of a CBDC (as envisioned by Agustín Carstens of the
    187 Bank for International Settlements\footnote{See speech given on October 19th
    188 2020 on ``Cross-Border Payment -- A vision for the future'',
    189 \url{https://meetings.imf.org/en/2020/Annual/Schedule/2020/10/19/imf-cross-border-payments-a-vision-for-the-future}
    190 at 00:24:30}) are dangerous
    191 if the central bank can choose to void privacy assurances. Carstens correctly states
    192 that with the proposed CBDC design the central bank would have the ability to know about every
    193 payment. Consequently, the central bank would be able to strictly enforce
    194 its rules and regulations, which implies the bank could arbitrarily block
    195 payments by private citizens. The repressive potential of a government with
    196 such a capability is so large that it must be firmly rejected.
    197 
    198 \section{Harmful coupling with identity}
    199 \label{sec:coupling}
    200 
    201 The risk is not theoretical. The Emergencies Act of February 2022 granted the
    202 Canadian executive the right to freeze bank accounts without judicial
    203 oversight.  The Canadian minister of justice David Lametti promptly used this
    204 to threaten people on CTV News with extrajudicial asset freezes if they were
    205 making significant financial contributions to a political cause he strongly
    206 disagrees with.\footnote{\url{https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xoTCxWSQW30}} If
    207 this is possible in Canada today, we do not want to imagine what might happen
    208 in less established democracies if an account-based CBDC were to largely
    209 displace cash.
    210 
    211 Consequently, the question should be if central banks should limit CBDC
    212 issuance within the scope of their current mission instead of modifying their
    213 rulebooks.  The US Federal Reserve is currently barred from
    214 maintaining digital account balances for individuals~\cite{usfed2022}.  We
    215 consider this law wise, as we argue that tightly coupling payments with
    216 identity is harmful.  While the law prevents the Federal Reserve's from
    217 issuing an account-based retail CBDC, it does not seem to prevent the Federal
    218 Reserve from issuing a token-based privacy-respecting CBDC.  This is crucial,
    219 as the technology behind token-based privacy-respecting CBDCs would
    220 fundamentally not support the kind of asset freezes enabled by the Canadian
    221 Emergencies Act.
    222 
    223 In contrast, ECB report suggests that ``combining use of digital identity and
    224 CBDC'' might be beneficial. The same idea is echoed in the French report which
    225 quotes an unpublished report from Catenae (2020) to say that ``it is difficult
    226 to envisage the creation of a retail CBDC, and more specifically a Digital
    227 Euro without first creating a reliable, secure digital identity offering the
    228 necessary guarantees''\footnote{il est difficile d'envisager la création d'une
    229 monnaie numérique de banque centrale de détail, et plus particulièrement d’un
    230 ``euro numérique'', sans création préalable d'une identité numérique fiable,
    231 s\'ecuris\'ee et offrant les garanties nécessaires}. From a technical
    232 perspective, the statement is hard to defend since payment systems exist that
    233 work perfectly well without depending on a ``trusted digital identity''.
    234 
    235 From a regulatory perspective, it is understood that institutions working with
    236 a Digital Euro will at times be legally required to establish the identity of
    237 actors. However, when a Digital Euro needs a digital identity for some of the
    238 actors in the digital currency production chain, one can use existing
    239 Know-Your-Customer (KYC) processes of commercial banks or use certificates
    240 based on the already widely used X.509 standard, which are both already in
    241 common use on the Internet.\footnote{They correspond to the ``s'' in
    242 ``https'', for example.}  While we can imagine a world in which a new
    243 ``trusted digital identity'' exists, and develop new protocols for this world,
    244 this is by no means a prerequisite to any work on a Digital Euro.  Waiting for
    245 the creation of a new trusted digital identity at the European level before
    246 creating a CBDC may be equivalent to postponing the decision indefinitely, and
    247 the necessity of first deploying a new electronic identity scheme is not shown
    248 by the authors.
    249 
    250 What neither report appreciates is that combining payments with such a digital
    251 identity system would create a serious liability.  Even if central banks were
    252 neutral custodians of citizens' privacy (see Section~\ref{sec:guardians}), the
    253 problem is the data itself.  As Bruce Schneier has concisely argued already in 2016:
    254 ``Data is a toxic asset.  We need to start thinking about it as such, and treat
    255 it as we would any other source of toxicity. To do anything else is to risk our
    256 security and privacy.''~\cite{schneier2016toxic}
    257 Despite this well-established insight, the ECB report is insinuating to link
    258 identities with payments which consequently and inevitably produces highly
    259 sensitive\footnote{Or to stick with Schneier's analogy, ``super-toxic''}
    260 metadata.  Referring to the toxicity of this metadata, Edward Snowden famously
    261 said at IETF 93 in 2019
    262 that \begin{quote} ``(...) we need to get away from true-name payments on the
    263   Internet.  The credit card payment system is one of the worst things that
    264   happened for the user, in terms of being able to divorce their access from
    265   their identity.''
    266 \end{quote}
    267 If the European Union wants to avoid a dystopia of the transparent citizen
    268 and catastrophic cases of personal data theft, it must enable citizens to put a
    269 firewall between their identity and their payments.
    270 
    271 Citizens themselves are well aware of this aspect and it consequently would
    272 have a significant impact on acceptance of a CBDC: The Swiss population
    273 recently rejected a proposal for a national eID~\cite{eid2021}, and the newly
    274 elected German government is promising a reversal of ubiquitous data retention
    275 (without cause)~\cite{koalitionsvertrag2021}.  The European Parliament has
    276 members proposing to ban the use of facial recognition in public
    277 spaces~\cite{euai2021}.  The ECB's proposal seemingly ignores the popular
    278 rejection of treating every citizen as a criminal suspect by doubling down.
    279 The missing link in the ECB proposal that would reveal the dystopic reality
    280 they would invoke would be a statement that facial recognition could be used
    281 to conveniently establish the payer's identity --- or ``pay with your smile'',
    282 as contemporary account-based digital payment offerings already put it.  We
    283 stress that CBDC payment data, like other payment data, can be expected to be
    284 retained for 6 or more years~\cite{fca}.  If CBDC payment data is additionally
    285 strongly coupled with our identities, those who dislike living in a panopticon
    286 could only hope for such a CBDC to be rarely used.
    287 
    288 
    289 
    290 \section{Addressing Balance Sheet Disintermediation via Self-Custody}
    291 \label{sec:disintermediation}
    292 
    293 The ECB report describes the risk of (commercial) bank balance sheet
    294 disintermediation as one of the major risks to consider from the introduction
    295 of a CBDC.  Basically, the risk is that consumers losing faith in a
    296 commercial bank may shift funds into CBDC, thereby exacerbating the situation
    297 by creating a ``bank run''.
    298 The ECB report discusses various strategies, but primarily focuses on limiting
    299 ``hoarding'' of CBDC by imposing a balance limit. They then realize that this
    300 can be quite difficult, as businesses may have varying needs for CBDC, so a
    301 fixed low limit would strangle the utility of the CBDC, while a fixed high
    302 limit may not be effective. They then propose a dynamic limit which they would
    303 ``calculate in accordance to (...) presumed cash needs''.
    304 
    305 Here, the authors might want to review some of the hard lessons from the
    306 introduction of $CO_2$ emissions certificates, where initial allocations were
    307 calculated based on ``presumed emission needs'' of certain industries,
    308 resulting in windfalls for shifty polluters that managed to rig the
    309 calculations, giving them excess certificates that they could then
    310 resell.~\cite{carbon} If CBDC holdings are limited and financially attractive,
    311 there will clearly again be businesses profiting from organizing their
    312 business data to obtain high account limits.  This kind of socially
    313 unproductive optimization will happen regardless of the specific rules that
    314 the ECB will design.  Thus, this is a fundamentally flawed design.
    315 
    316 The ECB's focus on account-based solutions seems to have caused it to ignore a
    317 better solution that was proposed in~\cite{snb2021}, even though it was
    318 clearly on the table: When justifying the need to control hoarding of CBDC,
    319 the authors write that ``risk-free assets have a negative yield (apart from
    320 banknotes, which are costly and risky to store in large amounts)''.  Here,
    321 they presume that hoarding CBDC must be risk-free. However, with Digital Euros
    322 represented as tokens that citizens hold in self-custody, the CBDC would not
    323 be risk-free: citizens would have to safeguard their digital devices (both
    324 physically and against malware).
    325 Thus, a CBDC
    326 design using digital tokens under the control of citizens indirectly provides a
    327 good solution for hoarding, as self-custody of the digital assets entails a
    328 risk, quite comparable to the risk of hoarding cash. By analyzing this risk,
    329 citizens and businesses would themselves determine appropriate individual
    330 limits for their CBDC holdings based on their actual cash needs.
    331 
    332 
    333 \section{Conclusion}
    334 
    335 There are no trusted third parties. That does not prevent people from
    336 designing and deploying systems that rely on the assumption that a trusted
    337 third party exists. Central banks must not follow the former DIRNSA's
    338 hubris~\cite[page 6f]{cwps}
    339 and assert that they are an eternally trusted third party.
    340 
    341 The dominance of accounts on the Internet and the resulting delegation of
    342 economic and political power to big Internet service providers sets a
    343 dangerous precedent for the design of CBDCs. It is time for central banks
    344 to abandon this account-centric mindset, which will help them address
    345 privacy issues and help the Internet transcend surveillance capitalism.
    346 
    347 More specifically, the ECB needs to review its design approach for the Digital
    348 Euro and commit to granting financial sovereignty to its constituents. Instead
    349 of controlling the citizen's privacy and forcing a particular ECB App onto
    350 % FIXME: I'd suggest "users' phones",
    351 % unless it is really meant that one
    352 % user has multiple phones.
    353 CBDC user's phones, the ECB needs to design a Digital Euro based on respect
    354 for the citizen's sovereignty and self-responsibility.  A digital cash system
    355 can be build using privacy-preserving open protocols with Free Software
    356 reference implementations.  The resulting self-responsibility of citizens will
    357 address various key design challenges inherent to account-based designs,
    358 including the biggest challenge of all: creating a product citizens would
    359 actually like to use.
    360 
    361 %[oec] Highlight again that alternatives _are_ on the table
    362 
    363 
    364 
    365 % We thank XXX for insightful comments on an earlier draft of this text.
    366 
    367 \bibliographystyle{alpha}
    368 \bibliography{literature}
    369 
    370 
    371 \end{document}
    372 
    373 Cut for brevity:
    374 
    375 
    376 
    377 Most crypto-currencies seek to have the properties of a currency, the
    378 conservation of value and the availability for exchange. For the two largest
    379 of them (BTC and ETH), we must note that since their creation they have been
    380 able to play the two roles of a currency. These currencies are both available
    381 for exchange and can be hoarded. These currencies are subject to great
    382 variations in price, but they are far from the variations of the Argentine
    383 Peso (which is commonly considered to be a currency). Some also have limited
    384 availability for real-time transactions, with Bitcoin for example requiring a
    385 very long validation time preventing its use for everyday purchases, but can
    386 be used for remote purchases (say for international remittances) where
    387 latencies and costs are actually competitive compared to existing payment
    388 systems.
    389 
    390 Central banks manage fiat currencies. These currencies are also mainly
    391 digital, as often the actual transactions are facilitated by digital payment
    392 systems bolted on top of the currency provided by the central bank.  While it
    393 is in most cases still possible to use the central bank provided physical cash
    394 directly, transactions using real coins and bills are declining. The quantity
    395 of money, as well as the interest rate at which this money is made available
    396 to banks, allows central banks to influence the value of the currencies they
    397 manage.